Accreditation of Sociology Programs: A Bridge to a Broader Audience

This paper presents a case for accreditation within the context of the sociological literature on occupations and professions. Distinctions are made between the three structural components of profession, discipline, and practice as well as the three credentialing procedures of certification, accreditation, and licensure. The literature on recent trends in sociology is reviewed as background for exploring more general issues over the training of technicians and practitioners and accreditation in other disciplines in the United States. Accreditation of undergraduate and master's programs in applied and clinical sociology is then proposed as one way of meeting the challenge to both strengthen sociology and broaden its audience.

Sociology and the Sociology of Professions

Sociology has always had one foot in the real world. The early sociological theorists-- Marx, Durkheim, Weber, Simmel and Mannheim-- studied the relevant social problems of their day. Their theoretical constructs were the by-products of their research interests, not a search for grand theory (Horowitz, 1993). And several prominent U.S. sociologists of the last half of the 20th century, including Lazarsfeld, Lipset, Blau, Duncan, Kanter, and Coleman, have done likewise. These individuals are boundary spanners between practitioners and teacher researchers, called client-dependent and colleague-dependent professionals by Freidson (1970:75; 1986:211-12). Freidson (1986:82) maintained that the division between academics and practitioners in the professions is hierarchical in nature and one around which there has been a good deal of tension and resentment throughout history, at least in law, medicine, and engineering.

Almost 40 years ago, Talcott Parsons (1959) advocated the separation of sociology as a science from sociology as practice asserting that the audience of sociology was not the public directly but rather other professions. He argued that sociology was a scientific discipline for the advancement and transmission of knowledge and that professional schools should act as mediators of sociological knowledge to train practitioners for applied functions. Simpson and Simpson (1994) noted that as chair of the American Sociological Association Committee on the Profession, Parsons addressed both the threat to sociology posed by the licensing of psychologists in the late 1950's and the demands by sociologists employed in government, corrections, and industry for recognition. Parsons wanted to insulate the discipline from market forces and broader audiences that could debase the scientific pursuit of sociology as basic research.

Parson's response was also a reaction to the Lazarsfeld model in which sociologists would produce a proprietary document for the business or agency that paid for the research-- the paying audience-- and then turn around and publish an academic study using the same material-- the peer audience (see Buxton and Turner, 1992: 382 note 9). The fear was that the empirical researcher, especially in a government position, was liable to become a bureaucratic technician (Merton and Lerner, 1951) or that commissioned and contract research would distract sociologists from the discipline in favor of clients outside the university (Starr, 1988). This parallels the disdain of the professional dance musician for his audience and the search for communal support from peers who appreciate technique and imagination (Becker, 1951).

Although often perceived in sociology as a schism, Abbott (1988:80) defined the link between a profession's disciplinary base and its work or practice to be its jurisdiction. He argued that professions must gain the support of three audiences to maintain their jurisdictional claims (Abbott, 1988:59ff). These audiences are public opinion, the workplace which includes both public and private sector employers, and the law. But as Parsons correctly asserted, the audience for a discipline is much narrower. Unfortunately, many sociologists do not speak clearly to these audiences and may even confuse them by equating discipline with profession and separating both from practice. Many sociologists also fail to make proper distinctions between certification and accreditation. The following discussion draws upon Durkheim (1933), Weber (1947), Wilensky (1964), Freidson (1970, 1986) and Abbott (1988).

Profession, the most prestigious structural component, designates an occupation requiring a high level of educational competence which can be intellectual, artistic or technical in nature. It involves both the creation of abstract knowledge through its discipline and its application to particular cases through its practice. A professional association, like the American Medical Association, acts as the umbrella that supports the maintenance and upgrading of skills through continuing education and certification.

Certification is the endorsement by a professional association of the competence and training of an individual as fit for practice. Specifically, the individual is recognized as a specialist as a result of some combination of successfully completing a course of study at an accredited institution, supervised practice with an already certified individual, and/or passing an examination. The most prestigious form of certification is in medicine where physicians are board-certified in specialty and sub-specialty practice. Social workers can qualify for certification and become members of the Academy of Certified Social Workers (ACSW).

Discipline is a branch of knowledge involving the generation of abstract knowledge through research and its dissemination through instruction and publication. The discipline is usually situated within an academic entity, the department within a university. A disciplinary association, like the American Sociological Association, stimulates and improves the research and instructional efforts of its members by sponsoring journals and conferences for the dissemination of abstract knowledge and new methodologies for research and teaching.

Accreditation is the endorsement by a professional association that an instructional program meets educational and training standards covering substantive content, supervised work experiences, staffing, and support services. Often the standards specify that some faculty positions be filled with credentialed professionals. For example, social work accreditation standards require that only faculty members who are certified can teach certain methodology and practice courses or supervise internships. This places sociology at a disadvantage in gaining new faculty positions and other resources in those joint departments of sociology and social work that exist in some U.S. colleges and universities.

Practice is the application of the discipline's knowledge to diagnose, advise, counsel, intervene, and treat clients, whether individuals, community groups, complex organizations or nation states. Practice, then, is usually situated in a market and consists of independent entrepreneurs, a professional group practice, or salaried specialists. A practice association, like the Bar Association, seeks to enhance market opportunities and limit competition by increasing income and securing licensure for its members.

Licensure is the formal and often exclusive permission from a government agency to an individual to practice a profession or occupation. Registration, a lesser form of licensure, creates an exclusive right to use a particular title but does not establish an exclusive right to practice. In the United States this is a function of state rather than federal government resulting in 50 different statutes creating problems that do not occur in nations with more centralized government. Freidson (1986:67) pointed out that in New York state psychologists have exclusive use of the title psychologist and exclusive right to describe services by use of the words psychologist, psychology, or psychological. Similarly, only a licensed person may use the title certified social worker (CSW), but others are not prevented from offering the same services to the public. Therefore in some states the ability of a sociologist to offer social-psychological services may be questionable, but offering social or counseling services is not. In other states, without such licensing laws, applied and clinical sociologists are not affected.

Problems Facing the Discipline in Applying Knowledge

Having detailed the terminology of the sociology of professions, the problems facing sociological practitioners and clinicians can now be explored. These problems are the nebulous nature of sociology, its interests in jurisdictions already occupied by other professions or not amenable to control by a single profession, and the difficulty of BA and MA sociology graduates gaining employment as "sociologists."

Some academics claim that sociology has become an amorphous entity. They perceive sociology to have lost all coherence as a discipline (Collins, 1990), lacking a clearly defined subject matter (Crane and Small, 1992), or dissolved into its parts (Horowitz, 1993). Davis (1994:180) submitted as evidence of a lack of coherence the fact that texts are not written for the intermediate undergraduate audience and that a sequence of substantive courses that build upon or expand elementary concepts have not been created. Introductory texts are a smorgasbord of unconnected topics while monographs are too specialized and methodologically oriented. Like Davis, Stinchcombe (1994:289) argued that one crucial thing that a discipline must do is to agree on how to teach elementary courses. He noted that while chemists can undertake to accredit undergraduate programs and generally make it stick, one can hardly imagine what would be accredited in sociology or where the power to impose such accreditation would come from.

Some jurisdictions of interest to sociological practitioners and clinicians are already claimed or dominated by professions such as social work. Through a network of well staffed state and regional association offices, social work has closed opportunities for others to practice in and administer certain social service and welfare arenas. More recently, managed health care organizations have encouraged efforts to license or register behavioral and mental health counselors and workers to protect themselves from liability law suits and to qualify for reimbursements. The irony is that professions such as social work, public health, and mental health have strong roots in sociology as a discipline.

Those practice jurisdictions that are most open, for example marital therapy, are unable to enclose their common work into a single field (Abbott, 1988:95). Whether or not they are state registered or professionally certified, sociologists who practice marital therapy are absorbed into a mix of psychiatrists, social workers, psychologists, and clergy. Emerging jurisdictions, such as evaluation, attract practitioners trained in a variety of disciplines-- sociology, economics, anthropology, psychology, and operations research. Both marital therapy and evaluation include practitioner associations that are multi-disciplinary in nature. Eventually, these practitioner associations may attempt to establish graduate-level training programs independent of the disciplines and forge a more unified identity.

The number of sociologically trained individuals in the United States working for government, the media, nonprofits, and business firms has grown steadily since the mid-1960's, to the point where over 30 percent of sociology's personnel are not in academic life and less than half of the new PhD's in sociology can be expected to enter teaching and related academic positions (Horowitz 1993: 137). In contrast to many European nations, where sociologists are heavily involved in government and public policy, U.S. sociologists are generally not invited into the corridors of power or even used as commentators (Molotch, 1994). Halliday (1992: 12-13) argued that because sociology has no discernible clientele or audience outside the academy and no jurisdiction over an area of work, individuals with undergraduate or terminal graduate degrees in sociology are dispersed imperceptibly throughout the labor market. They are often hired to collect and interpret sociological and demographic data.

Some BA's and MA's work as technical specialists who may lack the expertise necessary to bring a sociological interpretation or perspective to the final product. Others, who possess some degree of reflective, creative or critical sociological thinking, may often overlook the ramifications of technical decisions concerning data collection. This bifurcation is the result of what Reiss (1992:297) called the trained incapacity of sociologists. The connection between sociological knowledge and research, on the one hand, and practice, on the other, was further exacerbated when first social work and then urban studies, criminal justice, and communication sciences separated from departments of sociology into independent graduate-professional departments, schools, or colleges (Halliday, 1992; Horowitz, 1993).

In their efforts to find suitable work as qualified clinical interventionists and applied social scientists, BA and MA sociologists often join the ranks of social workers and psychologists both in title and practice; that is, in order to qualify for state licensure and any prerequisites, sociologists may be required to take courses available only through an accredited social work or psychology program. In a study of 151 graduates from undergraduate sociology programs in the Chicago area, Fleischer (1997) found that 23 percent reported memberships in professional sociology associations compared with 37 percent who belonged to non-sociological professional associations, and over half of them indicated that their non-sociological affiliation offered them a credentialing option. In essence, their identity as sociologists is endangered, if not lost.

Firms or agencies that hire individuals with a BA seek to strengthen the recruit's loyalty to the workplace and to sever links with the academic discipline (see Abbott, 1988:154). Training provided internally by the employer, which may be exactly equivalent to training provided by professional schools or academic departments, is not presented by the disciplinary teachers and researchers who developed the knowledge upon which the profession's expertise rests; rather it is presented by practitioners and administrators who emphasize conventional approaches and pragmatic solutions (Parsons, 1959). Such training may be typical of large accounting firms that hire BA sociologists with course work in organizational and industrial studies. This trend is evident in the policy, evaluation, and survey research firms which continually train interviewers, coders, and data managers to suit their specifications.

The expansion of BA and MA applied and clinical sociology programs will produce a technician class of applied sociological practitioners and supervisors most of whom will work outside academic organizations. Fleischer's (1997) findings suggest that they are unlikely to gain support and professional identity within a disciplinary association such as the American Sociological Association which is dominated by academic researchers and scholars who are successful in generating and disseminating formal and theoretical knowledge. While the ASA views itself as the potential umbrella organization for the profession as a whole, its attempts at bringing together the disciplinary and practice sides of the sociological family or providing benefits and services to the practitioners have been mixed.

On the positive side, Simpson and Simpson (1994) found a steady if uneven growth and support for what they term professional functions or work issues other than research and graduate education. The number of professional committees went from 1 in 1960 to 13 in 1992. During this period, ASA established both a Section and a Committee on Sociological Practice. In the early 1980's, ASA created a certification program in six applied areas: Social Psychology, Demography, Social Policy and Evaluation, Medical Sociology, Organizational Analysis, and Law and Social Control. But this was abandoned within 10 years after only 65 individuals had sought and been granted certification.

By 1991, approximately 17 percent of the ASA budget was allocated to professional/ associational program services (Simpson and Simpson, 1994). The Teaching Services Program sponsored workshops, produced a set of manuals and teaching materials for undergraduate, graduate, and applied programs, and trained people to conduct site visits for program review and improvement. In 1988, ASA initiated a Professional Development Program with the goal of increasing awareness of sociological practice in both the public and private sectors. It held seminars and made presentations at government agencies and corporations likely to employ or need sociologists. A Directory of Sociologists in Policy and Practice was published at the urging of Amitai Etzioni, the 1994 ASA President. The ASA has recently revised its Code of Ethics which now explicitly covers concerns and issues associated with applied work.

The most striking failure to support applied sociology has been in publications. The Simpson and Simpson (1994) data revealed that in 1960, 10.2 percent of all American Sociological Review authors could be classified as having applied employment. This dropped to 5.4 percent in 1973, and 1.5 percent in 1983 before rising slightly to 2.4 percent in 1993. They noted that in 1988 ASA launched a new journal, Sociological Practice Review, but it was very short lived because it failed to attract enough subscribers to justify continuation.

The interests of the practitioners and those who train them have found a home in the Society for Applied Sociology and the Sociological Practice Association. The Sociological Practice Association (formerly the Clinical Sociology Association) was established in the 1978 with the mission of promoting the application of sociological knowledge to intervention for individual and social change through scholarly and educational activities. It developed a certification process in 1983 to authenticate an individual's practice and clinical skills which are demonstrated before a review committee. Several individuals active in the SPA were instrumental in creating the International Sociological Association's Research Committee on Clinical Sociology (RC-46). The Society for Applied Sociology was also founded in 1978 to provide a forum for sociologists and others interested in applying sociological knowledge and to increase the effectiveness of applied sociological research and training. It has worked cooperatively with the ASA Section on Sociological Practice on directories of applied programs and several of its members have been instrumental in bringing applied training and practice issues before various ASA committees, including ethics and professional standards. Its equivalent is most likely the ISA Research Committee on Socio-Technics/Sociological Practice (RC-26).

Accreditation in Other Disciplines

As a late comer to the world of licensure, certification, and accreditation, sociology has had some difficulty acknowledging applied and clinical practice while remaining true to its place in a liberal arts undergraduate education, on the one hand, and its graduate research and scholarship training on the other. Some professions are better able to accommodate differences between training for basic research and training for practice and to include them under a single professional canopy (Abbott, 1988:81). For example, the American Chemical Society has many members who are BA/BS graduates, which may reflect both a consensus on relevant training and career paths that flow back and forth between academia and the chemical industry. The question of what practitioners should know and what skills they should have introduces the interests of the practitioners into the disciplinary prerogatives of curriculum and academic program.

In their comparative study of educational accreditation at the baccalaureate or higher degree programs in business administration, engineering, education, law, library science, nursing, pharmacy, journalism, and social work, Hagerty and Stark (1989:2-3) argued that accreditation helps define the parameters of practitioner education and, indirectly, the nature of the profession. Conflict over accreditation reflects disputes between the practitioner and disciplinary professional associations over who can establish the training criteria, monitor progress, and enforce compliance. For example, the dominant position of the American Medical Association is evident in the fact that its Committee on Allied Health Education accredits academic based training programs in medical records administration, occupational therapy, respiratory therapy, and physician's assistants (see Halpern, 1992).

Petersen (1979) identified programs for specialized professional study whose accrediting associations are recognized by the Council for Postsecondary Accreditation. These include law, pharmacy, dentistry, optometry, theology, medicine, chemistry, journalism, librarianship, psychology, social work, architecture, nursing, art, and 24 technical and paraprofessional health-related occupations. This list is instructive because only professional training programs in chemistry, psychology, and art share the same name as a liberal arts discipline. In contrast to chemistry which apparently is comfortable with a single identity and an umbrella association covering liberal arts education, basic research, and applied research, psychology is facing deepening divisions between its academic researchers and its clinical practitioners.

The remaining accredited professional fields are more closely identified with the practice rather than the academic segment of the profession. Practice-oriented professional schools such as social work or journalism/ communication arts and sciences already incorporate sociological theories and findings in their classes. Sociology, then, plays the role of basic science similar to that of physics with respect to engineering or biochemistry with respect to medicine and nursing. Hence, the abstract disciplinary work in these fields is separated from its applied teaching and research. Accreditation of the professional school is often overseen directly or indirectly by the practice association.

Political science and public administration present another interesting case. Master's degree programs in public affairs, policy, and administration are often housed within the political science department. The programs are accredited through the National Association of Schools of Public Affairs and Administration, which is totally independent of the American Political Science Association. The accreditation body includes faculty who teach or are responsible for the programs as well as practitioners. Jennings (1989:445), writing on the obvious tensions that exist, recommended that both academics and practitioners engage in a dialogue. Faculty need to accept the collective decisions of the practitioner community about what is meant by such concepts as problem-solving abilities and to determine jointly how those abilities can be taught and assessed. Public administration programs may be more successful at nonresearch-oriented universities and those that grant only MA's.

Conclusion

Pearman (1992) noted that sociology is rather invisible to many audiences and recommended that the profession needs to do a better job of marketing itself to various publics both inside and outside academia. He argued that sociology should work to redefine itself as a useful enterprise and find ways to make the public aware that a trained sociologist is filling a position by emphasizing the sociological preparation for that position

The collapse of the ASA certification program indicates that doctoral level training is still oriented towards basic research and that individuals with PhDs do not need certification to do applied work. Sociology departments with PhD programs and faculty who are rewarded for formal or theoretical research and publications by the university, funding agencies, and the profession are presumably not interested in producing technicians. But something is needed to strengthen undergraduate and perhaps master's level training for technical and supervisory positions that use basic sociological knowledge and methods.

Accreditation is one means to promote the practice of sociology. The growing number of sociologically trained people employed outside academia have directed interest towards certification as a way of authenticating individual competence for employers and meeting some state requirements for professional practice. The continuing effort to credential and license individuals inevitably rests on the quality of their education in sociology. In order to resolve any questions over the quality of educational experiences, other fields from social work to family relations have moved towards accreditation. The purpose is to assure both private and public sector employers that graduates from an accredited program will have either taken prescribed courses or have met learning objectives under the guidance of a qualified faculty with adequate support services.

Graduates from these programs are expected to have acquired a common set of knowledge and skills, become familiar with professional ethics and practice, and had a supervised internship or practicum. Accreditation standards based on learning objectives would explicitly indicate that a graduate from a sociology program understood the basic theoretical perspectives and levels of analysis and how they relate to social action, change, and intervention. They would be familiar with research methods particularly relevant to applied social research and practice. They would have learned written and oral communication, computer, and group facilitation skills. It is not the case that most sociology programs do not offer these, but rather that each program has its own terminology and emphases which appear confusing to employers. Accreditation becomes the bridge between academia and the broader labor market. It would make manifest the underlying core of theory, methods and applied or clinical skills that sociologists possess.

In the United States, accreditation may have a clientele among community colleges and four-year undergraduate programs that need to show their audiences-- students, parents, administrators, and, in many cases, taxpayers-- that they are producing graduates who have specific career opportunities as a result of their substantive and technical training. Some college administrators do pay attention to career training in the undergraduate teaching program. In one case, a sociology department chair was able to secure a new position in ethnic and racial studies only after establishing internship programs with the local urban league and city agencies. In another, a special emphasis program in business, technology and society provided justification for a new sociology course on gender in the workplace.

While these orientations and programs exist without accreditation, the process would strengthen them by providing guidelines, a degree of uniformity, and quality assurance. To this end the Society for Applied Sociology and the Sociological Practice Association formed the Commission on Applied and Clinical Sociology, one of its goals being to establish accreditation in Clinical and Applied Sociology beginning at the undergraduate level (Perlstadt, 1995, 1997). The Commission does not seek to accredit sociology programs as a whole; rather it plans to accredit programs involved in the training of individuals for entry-level and technical applied and clinical positions. The Commission's efforts will help chairs of community college and four-year undergraduate departments to promote themselves to their deans by showing that they head quality programs producing graduates who have specific career opportunities as a result of their substantive and technical training.

Of the three groups that Freidson (1986:211) identified within the organization of professional occupations-- practitioners, administrators, and teacher-researchers-- sociology has primarily produced the latter. Nevertheless, the production of sociology practitioners is well underway, both at the technician or BA level and at the administrator or MA level. As Horowitz (1993:139) pointed out, the university is one of the few institutions that has been able to survive outside the cost-benefit framework, ignoring the bottom-line mentality. But Horowitz goes on to urge staving off that intrusion into the university and avoiding the British situation in which specific tasks are defined for sociology.

It would be best for the future of sociology if it built a bridge to a broader audience and spanned the gap between the academic-based discipline and sociological practice. Otherwise jurisdictions will be closed to sociologists and sociologists will lack both respect and visibility with many audiences. Accreditation is a major pier in the construction of that bridge.

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